Peticija protiv hajke na WikiLeaks

Iako pravni stručnjaci tvrde da WikiLeaks nije prekršio niti jedan zakon, američki političari tu su skupinu u javnosti nazvali terorističkom organizacijom i pozvali korporacije da joj onemoguće djelovanje. Neki su komentatori čak pozvali na ubijanje njenih članova.

Organizacija WikiLeaks je izložena masovnom napadu i kampanji zastrašivanja od strane vlada i korporacija samo zato što objavljuje informacije koje joj je dostavio zviždač. Ovo protupravno zastrašivanje predstavlja opasan napad na demokraciju i slobodu izražavanja i tiska.

Na linku možete potpisati peticiju kojom tražimo prekid hajke na WikiLeaks od strane vlada i korporacija.

Hrvatski prijevod teksta peticije:
Vladi SAD-a i drugim vladama, te korporacijama koje su uključene u progon WikiLeaksa:
Pozivamo vas da odmah prekinete svoj progon WikiLeaksa i njegovih partnera. Molimo vas da poštujete demokratska načela i zakone o slobodi izražavanja i slobodi tiska. Ako su WikiLeaks i novinari s kojima ta organizacija surađuje prekršili bilo kakve zakone, za to trebaju odgovarati pred sudom u pravičnom postupku, a ne biti podvrgnuti ovakvoj protupravnoj kampanji zastrašivanja.

Izvor i link na peticiju: Avaaz: WikiLeaks: Stop the crackdown


DODATNO:
Palestina/Izrael:
Latest Israeli bombing plunges Gaza into darkness
U četvrtak 9. prosinca 2010. oko 3 sata ujutro izraelski su vojni zrakoplovi bombardirali Hamasove objekte u blizini jedine elektrane u Gazi koja je u bombardiranju pretrpjela ozbiljnu materijalnu štetu zbog čega je Gaza, koja već trpi učestale redukcije struje, ostala bez električne energije. Sada zbog štete elektrana može dnevno proizvesti samo 35 umjesto dosadašnjih 65 megavata struje, što je daleko ispod potreba stanovništva.

Otpor izraelskoj okupaciji i kolonizaciji u četvrti Issawiya u okupiranom istočnom Jeruzalemu

palestinski, izraelski i međunarodni prosvjednici prosvjeduju protiv izraelske okupacije u Issawiyi, u okupiranom istočnom Jeruzalemu, 3. prosinac 2010. (Anne Paq/ActiveStills)

Informacije iz članka Defiant Jerusalem Palestinians say "we will remain here" Jillian Kestler-D'Amours koji u cijelosti na engleskom možete pročitati na linku.

Oko 200 palestinskih, izraelskih i međunarodnih aktivista sudjelovalo je 3. prosinca 2010. u prosvjednoj povorci protiv izraelske okupacije u predgrađu al Issawiya u okupiranom istočnom Jeruzalemu.

Nakon što su izraelski mediji nedavno izvijestili da je skupina palestinskih mladića kamenjem gađala automobil s izraelskim Židovima koji su se izgubili u četvrti Issawiya u istočnom Jeruzalemu i tražili upute kako da se vrate u zapadni Jeruzalem, izraelske su vlasti zatvorile sve prilaze i izlaze u i iz Issawiye, a danas postoje samo 2 prilaza toj četvrti od kojih je jedan pretvoren u kontrolnu točku izraelske vojske koja rutinski usporava i otežava svakodnevni život 15 000 tamošnjih stanovnika.

Od listopada 2010. izraelski su vojnici i policajci uhitili najmanje 10 djece mlađe od 16 godina, te više od 20 osoba starijih od 16 godina, a predgrađe Issawiya je redovito preplavljeno oblacima suzavca ispaljenog tijekom sukoba izraelskih snaga sa skupinama palestinskih mladića. 24. rujna jedno je 18-mjesečno palestinsko dijete u Issawiyi umrlo od posljedica udisanja suzavca, nakon što su izraelske snage ispalile suzavac na prosvjed protiv ubojstva Samera Sarhana u obližnjoj jeruzalemskoj četvrti Silwan.

Issawiya se nalazi 3 kilometra od zidina Starog grada, između izraelskih kolonističkih naselja na Francuskom brijegu na zapadu i jednog od najvećih (više od 34 000 kolonista) izraelskih kolonističkih naselja na Zapadnoj obali - Maale Adumima - na istoku.

Izraelska je država 1968. godine konfiscirala 400 od ukupno 3000 dunuma (1 dunum = 1000 kvadratnih metara) zemlje u selu Issawiya kako bi na njoj sagradila kolonističko naselje Francuski brijeg koje spaja Hebrejsko sveučilište i bolnicu Hadassah sa zapadnim Jeruzalemom.

Osim konfiskacije zemlje, Izrael je također 2000 dunuma zemlje u Issawiyi označio kao "zelene površine", zahvaljujući čemu je bilo kakva gradnja palestinskih mještana na tom području protuzakonita. Danas mještani Issawiye imaju samo 600 dunuma zemlje na kojoj mogu graditi domove i druge građevine.

Tijekom proteklih nekoliko tjedana izraelske su snage uništile torove za životinje, poljoprivredna zemljišta i druge objekte u Issawiyi, te 12 farmi na tom području. Od srpnja 2010. u Issawiyi je iščupano 440 stabala i srušeno najmanje 16 objekata.

E1, izraelski dugo odugovlačeni projekt kolonizacije koji je prvotno predložen 1994. godine, anektirao bi dodatnih oko 12 400 dunuma zemlje predgrađa Issawiya, te susjednih sela al-Izzariya i al-Tur. Kolonističko naselje E1 uključivalo bi 3500 stambenih jedinica za oko 14 500 novih kolonista, te učvrstilo povezanost kolonističkog naselja Maale Adumim sa zapadnim Jeruzalemom.

Do danas su na tom području izraelske vlasti sagradile policijsku postaju i vojnu bazu, asfaltirale neke ceste te postavile kontrolne točke i drugu temeljnu infrastrukturu pripremajući se za realizaciju projekta.

Svako povezivanje Maale Adumima sa zapadnim Jeruzalemom ići će neminovno na štetu četvrti Issawiya. Cilj ovih mjera je izvršiti što je moguće snažniji pritisak na stanovnike Issawiye i olakšati buduću konfiskaciju zemlje na tom području.


DODATNI LINKOVI:
Palestina/Izrael:
Settlement bus company hired to shuttle OECD Jerusalem participants
Participants in the OECD annual tourism conference, held last week in Jerusalem, were ferried around the city in buses leased from a company that develops Jewish settlements in the West Bank. ... According to the Mateh Binyamin Local Council website, in addition to owning a fleet of around 70 vehicles for transportation the company also takes an active part in settlement construction. Also according to the website, the development company owns three gas stations in the West Bank, planned and built an entire neighborhood in the settlement of Na'aleh and routinely builds infrastructure in settlements, including electricity, water and sewage lines. The company's offices are situated in Psagot, a settlement near Ramallah.

Israeli Banks Profiteering from Occupation
Nearly all Israeli commercial banks exploit the Territories freely, effecting erasing the Green Line financially and commercially. Israeli and international enterprises are advantaged at the expense of Palestinian ones. By profiteering from occupation, these banks bear direct responsibility and must "be held accountable for their role in the financing of economic activity which sustains continued Israeli control" illegally. They also perpetuate the Palestinians' enormous burden under "unjust conditions," ones demanding redress.

Flashmob: Cape Town Opera say NO

Jonathan Cook: Israel turns blind eye to racist state-employed rabbis
... racism in Israel is increasingly enjoying high-level sanction among the most influential sectors of the religious establishment. The latest ruling was signed by Shlomo Aviner, a spiritual leader of Israel's national-religious camp; Yosef Elyashiv, a senior ultra-Orthodox rabbi; and Avigdor Neventzal, rabbi of Jerusalem's Old City. Its sentiments have also been echoed by Ovadia Yosef, a former chief rabbi of Israel and the spiritual leader of Shas, an important political and religious party in Netanyahu's government. "Selling to [non-Jews], even for a lot of money, is not allowed. We won't let them take control of us here," Yosef said recently. Two months ago, Yosef explained the logic behind his views and those of like-minded rabbis. "Goyim [non-Jews] were born only to serve us." Explaining why God allowed non-Jews long lives, he added: "Imagine that your donkey would die, you'd lose your income. [The donkey] is your servant. ... That's why he [the gentile] gets a long life, to work well for the Jew." Yosef's remarks against "gentiles" were greeted with respectful silence by Israeli officials and most of the media. It was left to the United States government and the New York-based Anti-Defamation League (ADL) to issue rebukes. Abraham Foxman, the ADL's head, accused the rabbi of advancing "hateful and divisive ideas." The rabbis' use of theology to support racial discrimination is being applied to more than just housing. This summer, Yosef Elitzur and Yitzhak Shapira, who head an influential seminary in the West Bank settlement of Yitzhar, published The King's Torah, a 230-page guide to how Jews should treat non-Jews. The two rabbis concluded that Jews were obligated to kill anyone who posed a danger, immediate or potential, to the Jewish people, and implied that all Palestinians were to be considered a threat. On these grounds, the pair justified killing Palestinian civilians and even their babies. Last month Shapira also backed the use of Palestinians as human shields, a war crime under the Fourth Geneva Convention, and a practice that Israel's high court has outlawed. The King's Torah, far from being condemned by moderate rabbis, has been greeted with a general silence and enthusiastic support from a number of notable religious leaders. ... The general trend towards extremism has not happened by chance, said Sefi Rachelevsky, a prominent Israeli writer critical of the Orthodox rabbinate. Israel's public coffers pay the salaries of some of the most extremist rabbis, and the education system regularly falls under the political control of religious parties like Shas. Shapira, who advocates killing non-Jewish babies, receives large sums from the education ministry for his yeshiva -- a seminary where he spreads his message of hate. Religious students also receive extra subsidies unavailable to normal students to encourage their attendance at such yeshivas. The rabbis exert their influence on the youngest and most impressionable too. When the new school year started in September, 52 percent of Jewish children in first grade attended a strictly religious school. Pupils in some of the most religious schools, Rachlevsky pointed out, are taught that Jews sit above nature, which comprises four categories: "inanimate," "vegetable," "animal" and "speakers" -- or non-Jews, who are considered no more than talking animals.

Izvještaj o represiji u Izraelu, nekoliko vijesti, linkova

Palestina/Izrael:
Brazil recognizes Palestinian state
Brazil priznao palestinsku državu (3. prosinac 2010.)
Brazil je priznao državu Palestinu u granicama iz 1967, odnosno na području koje obuhvaća Zapadnu obalu, uključujući Istočni Jeruzalem, i Pojas Gaze. Brazilsko ministarstvo vanjskih poslova izjavilo je da je priznanje odgovor na zahtjev za priznanjem koji je brazilskom predsjedniku Luli da Silvi prošli mjesec uputio palestinski predsjednik Abbas.

Voices From the Occupation: Belal L. (16), Shot whilst collecting building material
Izraelska je vojska 4. prosinca 2010. 600 metara od granice s Izraelom 16-godišnjeg palestinskog dječaka iz Beit Lahiye u sjevernoj Gazi bojevim streljivom ranila u lijevu nogu. Palestinska nevladina organizacija za zaštitu prava djeteta DCI-Palestine od ožujka 2010. je dokumentirala 17 slučajeva djece koju je izraelska vojska vatrenim oružjem ranila dok su u blizini granice Pojasa Gaze s Izraelom skupljala šljunak.

Coalition of Women for Peace: "All-Out War: Israel Against Democracy"
Izvještaj koalicije izraelskih ženskih mirovnih udruga Coalition of Women for Peace o represiji i napadima izraelskih vlasti i raznih desničarskih organizacija na demokratske vrijednosti, ljudska prava i građanske slobode palestinskih građana Izraela, te aktivista izraelskih mirovnih i udruga za ljudska prava u protekle dvije godine. Izvještaj navodi primjere sve učestalijih napada na oporbu i civilno društvo, te optužuje vlasti da represijom, zastrašivanjem i silom žele ušutkati kritičare i opoziciju. U izvještaju se opisuje otvoreno antidemokratsko ozračje koje vlada u sadašnjem sastavu izraelskog Knesseta (brojni prijedlozi zakona čiji je cilj uništenje oporbe i uvjetovanje građanskih sloboda zakletvom "lojalnosti", te brojni napadi na arapske zastupnike u Knessetu), napadi koje protiv civilnog društva (naročito organizacija koje se bore protiv okupacije i kršenja ljudskih prava na okupiranim palestinskim područjima i u Izraelu) orkestriraju izraelske ekstremističke desničarske organizacije koje su povezane s pojedincima i institucijama izraelskog establišmenta i mainstream medija. Izvještaj također sadrži nekoliko specifičnih slučajeva represije nad građanima Izraela u protekle 2 godine, te progona novinara i političkih čelnika pod izlikom nacionalne sigurnosti.


Ostalo:
Two NATO soldiers, two Afghans killed in suicide bombing (Roundup)
Two NATO soldiers and two civilians were killed and 18 others were injured on Sunday in suicide bombing on an army base in south-eastern Afghanistan, officials said. ... 'According to initial information, two civilians were killed and 13 other civilians and three foreign troops were injured,' Samoon said. The nationality of two further injured was not known, he added. The NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) said in a statement that two of its service-members were also killed in the attack. It did not reveal the nationalities of the deceased. Most of the troops deployed to the eastern region are from the United States. An Afghan official, who did not want to be named, said that the three injured foreign troops were Americans. ... The bombing came a week after a rogue Afghan policeman turned his weapons on American trainers in eastern province of Nangarhar, killing six of them. ... Separately, one more ISAF soldier was killed in an insurgent attack in southern Afghanistan on Sunday, the military said in a separate statement, without disclosing his nationality. More than 670 foreign troops have been killed in Afghan war so far in 2010, the deadliest year for NATO forces since the outer of Taliban regime in late 2001, according to ICasualties.org, an independent website that tracks military fatalities in Afghanistan. Around 100,000 US soldiers and more than 40,000 troops from other NATO and non-NATO countries are currently based in Afghanistan.

WikiLeaks cables: CIA drew up UN spying wishlist for diplomats
One of the most embarrassing revelations to emerge from US diplomatic cables obtained by the whistleblowers' website WikiLeaks has been that US diplomats were asked to gather intelligence on Ban, other senior UN staff, security council members and other foreign diplomats – a possible violation of international law. US state department spokesman PJ Crowley, in interviews since the release, has tried to deflect criticism by repeatedly hinting that although the cables were signed by secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, and her predecessor, Condoleezza Rice, they originated with another agency. But he refused to identify it. The Guardian has learned that the intelligence shopping list is drawn up annually by the manager of Humint (human intelligence), a post created by the Bush administration in 2005 in a push to better co-ordinate intelligence after 9/11. Humint is part of the CIA, which deals with overseas spying overseas and is one of at least 12 US intelligence agencies. ... Biographic reporting is defined in the cables as including "credit card account numbers, frequent flyer account numbers" as well as "compendia of contact information". New cables released tonight reveal that US diplomats at the embassy in Asunción, the capital of Paraguay, were ordered to obtain dates, times and telephone numbers of calls received and placed by foreign diplomats from China, Iran and the Latin American socialist states of Cuba, Venezuela and Bolivia. ... Washington also wanted the foreign diplomats' internet user account details and passwords, and the same depth of information for some local government and military leaders and "criminal entities or their surrogates", according to a US cable sent in 2008. New cables released tonight also reveal that Washington has called for diplomats in Romania, Hungary and Slovenia to provide "biometric" information on "current and emerging leaders and advisers" as well as information about "corruption" and information about leaders' health and "vulnerability". Clinton continued to face awkward questions about an intelligence directive which went out under her name in 2009 aimed at the UN leadership, which was revealed in a separate "national human intelligence collection directive". It called for the collection of "biometric" data on permanent security council representatives, and passwords and personal encryption keys used by top UN officials – in possible contravention on international law. ... A leading expert on UN law today said the proposed activity in the directive breached two international treaties and could lead to the US being censured by the UN general assembly or even, in extreme circumstances, prosecution at the international criminal court. The targeting of diplomats from North Korea and the permanent representatives of the security council from China, Russia, France and the UK leaves the US government exposed to action from any of those countries. Dapo Akande, lecturer in international law at Oxford University, said: "Obtaining passwords and information on communications systems violates the 1947 headquarters agreement between the US and UN and the general convention on the privileges and immunities of the United Nations. "The only reason they can be asking for this information is to break into the communication systems or monitor them in some way."

2010-12-04: Reporters Sans Frontières statement on WikiLeaks
Reporters Without Borders condemns the blocking, cyber-attacks and political pressure being directed at cablegate.wikileaks.org, the website dedicated to the US diplomatic cables. The organization is also concerned by some of the extreme comments made by American authorities concerning WikiLeaks and its founder Julian Assange. ... This is the first time we have seen an attempt at the international community level to censor a website dedicated to the principle of transparency. We are shocked to find countries such as France and the United States suddenly bringing their policies on freedom of expression into line with those of China. We point out that in France and the United States, it is up to the courts, not politicians, to decide whether or not a website should be closed. ... Reporters Without Borders can only condemn this determination to hound Assange and reiterates its conviction that WikiLeaks has a right under the U.S. Constitution's First Amendment to publish these documents and is even playing a useful role by making them available to journalists and the greater public. We stress that any restriction on the freedom to disseminate this body of documents will affect the entire press, which has given detailed coverage to the information made available by WikiLeaks, with five leading international newspapers actively cooperating in preparing it for publication.

No safe haven for displaced Iraqis
More than seven years after the United States and United Kingdom-led invasion of Iraq, millions of displaced Iraqis have nowhere to go. For the overwhelming majority of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), displacement is not a one-off trauma. Rather, it is a continuous state of flight for most uprooted Iraqis, who the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimates to number 1,785,212 refugees and 1,552,003 IDPs (both figures as of January 2010). ... Emerging in 2003, the Iraqi refugee crisis has become one of the world's largest, second in number only to that of Palestinian refugees. Speaking to The Electronic Intifada, Al-Bayaty added that Iraq has been a socioeconomic entity for 4,000 years, and never, until now, had emigration been a mass phenomenon. "Even in the tragic contemporary history of Iraq, there was no migration movement. Iraqis remained despite wars and genocidal sanctions. It is only when a state-sponsored sectarian war was imposed on them -- with roaming militias and death squads killing on the basis of your name and sending death threats to individual families -- that hundreds of thousands fled to neighboring countries, thinking it would be temporary," said Al-Bayaty.

Glenn Greenwald Calls Julian Assange's Arrest "Pure Authoritarianism"
Greenwald says: "Whatever you think of WikiLeaks, they have not been charged with a crime, let alone indicted or convicted. Yet look what has happened to them. They have been removed from Internet … their funds have been frozen … media figures and politicians have called for their assassination and to be labeled a terrorist organization. What is really going on here is a war over control of the Internet, and whether or not the Internet can actually serve its ultimate purpose—which is to allow citizens to band together and democratize the checks on the world's most powerful factions."

Since When Does Interpol Care About Sexual Assault?
Tell it to hundreds of women in US jails and immigration detention centers — who charge that they can't get justice against accused rapists — or women in the US military (two of out three of whom allege they've experienced assault.) In Haiti hundreds of unprosecuted cases of rape in refugee camps could use some of Interpol's attention. To come back to earth… It seems we only care about women's bodies when there's a political point to be proved. Feminist lawyers had to fight for years for the Criminal Court to take rape in Bosnia and Congo seriously. Feminist journalists wrote for years about the treatment of women under the Taliban, but it wasn't until they needed to sell a war that US politicians cared–and invaded. Years later, Assange's organization ever-so-inconveniently leaked thousands of Afghan war logs and diplomatic cables about that war, and women's bodies are again the pretext for action.

Izrael nastavlja s rušenjem palestinskih kuća i gradnjom kolonističkih naselja

kuća srušena 30. studenog u al-Isawiyyi (Anne Paq/ActiveStills)

Informacije iz članka Palestinian property destroyed as Israeli settlements grow od 2. prosinca 2010. koji u cijelosti na engleskom možete pročitati na linku.


Diljem Zapadne obale, uključujući Istočni Jeruzalem i Jordansku dolinu, izraelski su vojnici i buldožeri u nešto više od tjedan dana uništili brojne palestinske kuće i građevine.

24. studenog 2010. u selo Abu al-Ajaj u Jordanskoj dolini ušla su 2 buldožera i oko 200 vojnika koji su potom uništavali torove za stoku i šupe. Ovo je rušenje uslijedilo 2 tjedna nakon što je država konfiscirala zemlju koja pripada tom selu kako bi je pripremila za širenje obližnjeg ilegalnog izraelskog kolonističkog naselja. Tijekom rušenja ubijeno je nekoliko jarića. Izraelski je sud naredio zamrzavanje širenja obližnjeg izraelskog kolonističkog naselja Massua, no palestinska je imovina unatoč tome uništena, a kolonisti namjeravaju nastaviti graditi svoje ilegalno naselje usprkos sudskoj odluci.

Jordanska se dolina većinom nalazi u "Zoni C", području koje obuhvaća 60% Zapadne obale i koje je prema odredbama Sporazuma iz Osla pod potpunom izraelskom kontrolom.

Istog su se dana, 24. studenog, deseci mještana sela Bani Hassan pokušali suprotstaviti izraelskim vojnicima dok su buldožeri rušili njihove selo koje se nalazi u blizini palestinskog grada Salfita i ilegalnog izraelskog kolonističkog naselja Ariel. Istovremeno su izraelske vlasti na području Wadi Qana u blizini sela Bani Hassan buldožerima uništile projekt rehabilitacije područja Wadi Qana, na koji je palestinsko ministarstvo financija utrošilo 120 000 američkih dolara. Uništen je vodeni kanal, te dijelovi spremnika i sustava za poljoprivredno navodnjavanje.

Istoga dana, 24. studenog, izraelski je buldožer u pratnji izraelske policije srušio dom Abeda Zablaha u četvrti at-Tur u blizini Maslinske gore u Istočnom Jeruzalemu. Zablah je otac 5 djece i uspio je dobiti sudski nalog kojim se naređuje obustavljanje rušenja njegovog doma, no kad se s nalogom vratio sa suda kući, izraelske su snage njegovu kuću već sravnile sa zemljom.

Nekoliko dana ranije, 22. studenog 2010, izraelske su snage ponovo srušile selo palestinskih beduina al-Araqib u negevskoj pustinji. To je bilo 7. puta od srpnja 2010. da izraelske vlasti ruše to selo. Međunarodna organizacija za ljudska prava Amnesty International u svojem je priopćenju upozorila da "najmanje 50 od 250 mještana sela al-Araqib ponovo živi u ruševinama svojih domova koje pokušavaju ponovo izgraditi. Drugi kampiraju u šatorima na seoskom groblju". Izraelski su mediji početkom 2010. izvijestili da je vlada odlučila utrostručiti rušenje beduinskih građevina u Negevu.

Selo al-Araqib sravnjeno je sa zemljom 27. srpnja 2010. Tada je oko 1000 izraelskih interventnih policajaca na tom području osiguravalo rušenje nekoliko desetaka domova. Mještani koji su se vratili na svoju zemlju izgradili su skloništa nakon rušenja u srpnju, no njih su izraelske vrasti ponovo uništile 4. kolovoza, 10. kolovoza, 17. kolovoza, 13. rujna, 13. listopada, te prošli tjedan. Amnesty International osudio je izraelske vlasti zbog ovih "uzastopnih rušenja kojima je cilj silom istjerati mještane al-Araqiba sa zemlje na kojoj su živjeli generacijama... Činjenica da je ovo selo bilo srušeno 7 puta u 4 mjeseca pokazuje da se ne radi o nekoj administrativnoj pogrešci, već o svjesnoj politici izvlašćivanja izraelske vlade."

U Istočnom Jeruzalemu su pak 22. studenog izraelske vlasti buldožerima rušile objekte u naseljima al-Isawiyye i Hizma. Prema izvještaju Amnesty Internationala srušeni su torovi za stoku i kućice koje su koristili poljoprivrednici.

Slijedećeg jutra izraelska je policija u četvrti Jabal Mukkaber, također u Jeruzalemu, izbacila jednu palestinsku obitelj iz njihovog doma, nakon što je sud presudio da je ta kuća vlasništvo židovskih kolonista. Odmah po deložaciji obitelji Qarain, izraelska je policija kuću predala kolonistima koji su povezani s kolonističkom organizacijom Elad.

Izraelska nevladina organizacija Izraelski odbor protiv rušenja kuća (ICAHD) u svom izvještaju navodi da se organizacija Elad bavi naseljavanjem ektremističkih kolonista usred palestinskih četvrti na području oko starog dijela grada u Jeruzalemu, naročito u onim četvrtima Istočnog Jeruzalema koje povezuju stari dio grada s ostatkom Zapadne obale, uključujući četvrti Sheikh Jarrah, Silwan, Ras al-Amud i Jabal Mukkaber.

U ICAHD-u upozoravaju da su razlozi za deložaciju obitelji Qarain nejasni, te naglašavaju da, bez obzira na odluku izraelskog suda i način na koji su se kolonisti domogli imovine, svako naseljavanje izraelskih civila u okupiranom Istočnom Jeruzalemu predstavlja kršenje međunarodnog prava koje zabranjuje okupacijskoj sili da svoje civile naseljava na okupiranom teritoriju.

Tjedan dana kasnije, 30. studenog 2010. izraelske su snage srušile još jedan palestinski dom i poslovni prostor u Jeruzalemu, u četvrti al-Isawiyye. Tijekom rušenja policija je protiv prosvjednika upotrijebila suzavac.

25. studenog 2010. izraelske su snage srušile jednu kuću u selu al-Rifayaia, istočno od Yatte na Zapadnoj obali. U kući su živjele 2 obitelji odnosno 20 osoba, uključujući 16 maloljetnika. Nekoliko sati prije ovog rušenja izraelske su snage srušile 4 doma i 3 zgrade za držanje domaćih životinja, te nedavno obnovljenu džamiju u mjestu Khirbet Yerza, u kojem živi više od 120 mještana. To područje okružuju izraelski vojni logori, uključujući logore Samrah, Almaleh i Kopra, a stanovništvo je izloženo učestalom uznemirivanju od strane vojske. Za većinu kuća na tom području izraelske su vlasti izdale naloge za rušenje.

29. studenog 2010. izraelske su snage podijelile naloge za rušenje 1 džamije i 2 kuće u selu al-Masara u blizini Betlehema. Vojska je u selo došla u 6 terenskih vozila i fotografirala džamiju i spomenute kuće.

U isto vrijeme jedno je kolonističko naselje u Istočnom Jeruzalemu najavilo gradnju novih stambenih jedinica isključivo za Židove. Izraelske su vlasti odobrile plan izgradnje u kolonističkom naselju Gilo, u blizini Betlehema na okupiranoj Zapadnoj obali. Plan obuhvaća izgradnju 130 stambenih jedinica na zemlji u četvrti Beit Safafa u Istočnom Jeruzalemu.


DODATNI LINKOVI:
Palestina/Izrael:
The (old) news from wikileaks so far – The US is Israel's greatest enabler
That there is nothing new, or surprising, in these cables yet that we feel the need to parse through them is indicative of our frustration with the current state of affairs, leading us to believe this will be a worthwhile endeavor. Surely there is nothing new in the often-delusional Netanyahu's petulance, or his persistent paranoid belief that Israel – nay, the Jews – is constantly under attack from all sides, even its allies. That the US will do just about anything for its protégé is likewise old – yawn – news. Netanyahu manages to coerce the US into supporting Israel in its pursuance of its divine mandate for constant, international protection no matter what, and in the face of every real or imagined obstacle. In the WikiLeaked cables, the Israeli government constantly highlights three threats: "Iran's nuclear program, the build-up of rockets and missiles in Lebanon, Syria and Gaza, and the Goldstone Report." (#09TELAVIV2777) In defense against each of these threats, and in other arenas, the Israelis seem adept at coercing the US into doing their bidding.

Why NGO Monitor is attacking The Electronic Intifada
NGO Monitor has launched a campaign targeting a Dutch foundation's financial support to The Electronic Intifada, accusing the publication among other things of "anti-Semitism." NGO Monitor is an extreme right-wing group with close ties to the Israeli government, military, West Bank settlers, a man convicted of misleading the US Congress, and to notoriously Islamophobic individuals and organizations in the United States. ... NGO Monitor's attack on The Electronic Intifada is part of a well-financed, Israeli-government endorsed effort to silence reporting about and criticism of Israel by attacking so-called "delegitimizers" -- those who speak about well-documented human rights abuses, support boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS), or promote full equality for Palestinians. Last February, The Electronic Intifada reported that a leading Israeli think-tank had recommended a campaign of "sabotage" against Israel's critics as a matter of state policy ("Israel's new strategy: "sabotage" and "attack" the global justice movement," 16 February 2010). NGO Monitor has already been at the forefront of a campaign to crush internal dissent by Jewish groups in Israel that want to see Israel's human rights record improved. The Jerusalem-based organization poses as a project concerned with accountability for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), but as Israeli human rights activist and journalist Didi Remez has stated, "NGO Monitor is not an objective watchdog: It is a partisan operation that suppresses its perceived ideological adversaries through the sophisticated use of McCarthyite techniques -- blacklisting, guilt by association and selective filtering of facts" ("Bring on the transparency," Haaretz, 26 November 2009). ... In becoming the latest target of NGO Monitor's defamation and sabotage efforts, The Electronic Intifada joins previously targeted organizations including Amnesty International, Doctors Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, Adalah, Al-Haq, Mada al-Carmel as well as Israeli groups such as B'Tselem, Breaking the Silence, HaMoked and New Israel Fund, among dozens of others. NGO Monitor -- as a glance at its publications reveals -- characterizes any documentation of, or call for an end to Israel's systematic human rights abuses, violent colonization of the occupied West Bank including Jerusalem, or its siege and amply documented war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza as "hate," "incitement" and/or "anti-Semitism." NGO Monitor is closely tied to Israel's far-right, its government and military as well as leading anti-Palestinian and anti-Muslim activists in the United States. NGO Monitor states on its website that it is "a joint venture of the Institute for Contemporary Affairs, founded jointly with the Wechsler Family Foundation, and B'nai B'rith International." As The Electronic Intifada reported in 2005, the Institute of Contemporary Affairs at the Jerusalem Center on Public Affairs is a think-tank providing a home for Israel's military and political elite. Among the panoply of Israeli officers who speak and write for the Institute is Doron Almog, who notoriously chose to remain on board an El Al aircraft at London's Heathrow airport and flee back to Israel rather than face a pending arrest warrant for alleged war crimes while he was a division commander in the occupied Gaza Strip ("NGO Monitor should not be taken seriously," 18 October 2005). Among NGO Monitor's International Advisory Board are some unusual choices for an organization focused on accountability. In addition to Alan Dershowitz and Elie Wiesel (who has gone on record saying he can never criticize Israel), there is former CIA chief and pro-Iraq-war activist James Woolsey, and Elliott Abrams. Abrams was convicted in 1991 of withholding information from the United States Congress in the Iran-Contra affair in which he was deeply involved as an official in the Reagan administration. As deputy national security advisor during the administration of George W. Bush, Abrams was the architect of covert US policies intended to overturn the January 2006 Palestinian legislative elections by arming Palestinian militias opposed to Hamas, which had won the vote. Abrams' policies led to a Palestinian civil war that cost hundreds of lives (David Rose, "The Gaza Bombshell," Vanity Fair, April 2008). NGO Monitor's "Legal Advisory Board" includes former Israeli ambassador Alan Baker, who as an Israeli government official spent years publicly defending Israel's violations of international law, including its settlements in occupied territory, which are nominally opposed by all EU governments, including the Netherlands. Cementing the link even more closely, NGO Monitor recently published a joint report with its partner the Institute for Zionist Strategies entitled "Trojan Horse: The Impact of European Government Funding for Israeli NGOs." The Institute for Zionist Strategies, as Didi Remez has pointed out, is led by Israel Harel, a founder of the fanatical Gush Emunim settler movement.

Boycott roundup: French companies to drop out of Jerusalem rail project
In a significant victory for the global Palestinian-led boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement, French companies Veolia and Alstom have dropped out of the Jerusalem light rail project due to sustained pressure from Palestine solidarity groups. The companies were contracted by the Israeli government to construct and manage the tramway linking Jerusalem to several illegal Israeli settlement colonies in the occupied West Bank. ... Palestinian soccer players, coaches and athletic clubs in the occupied Gaza Strip released an open letter on 20 November to Michel Platini, president of the Union of European Football Associations, calling on the organization to "reverse apartheid Israel's participation" in European soccer matches ("An Open letter from Besieged Gaza to Michel Platini and UEFA: Reverse Apartheid Israel's Participation in European Competitive Football," 20 November 2010). In August, the Israeli government denied players from Gaza to travel to Mauritania for a match. A month later, Platini threatened Israel with expulsion from the soccer union if it continued to restrict Palestinian athletes from freedom of movement. "Israel must choose between allowing Palestinian sport to continue and prosper or be forced to face the consequences for their behavior," he added ("Platini: I'll kick Israel out of Europe," Palestine Monitor, 2 October 2010). The athletes' letter praised Platini's remarks, and accounted in detail the various ways in which Israel's ongoing siege and blockade against the Gaza Strip affects daily life for Palestinians -- athletes or not. "Like all residents of Gaza, footballers are continually deprived entry or exit from what many mainstream human rights organizations call the world's largest open-air prison," stated the letter. "You must know that we are still grieving the loss of over 430 of our children, who were among the 1,443 people killed during Israel's three-week bombing of Gaza in winter 2009. Two of our national football team heroes, Ayman Alkurd and Wajeh Moshate, were among those 1,443. 5,300 more people were injured. Many had their legs amputated. They will never have the chance to play football." The authors of the letter, representing more than thirty athletic and civic organizations in Gaza, highlighted the historic anti-racism campaigns by European soccer unions, including UEFA's recent policy to support referees in stopping games for racist behavior. The letter pointed out that racism "is at the heart of why our national team cannot play abroad. It is the core reason why our sporting equipment does not arrive. It is the reason why our stadiums do not get built and why our football season ends prematurely through resource shortages or violent attacks. The letter concluded with a plea to Platini and UEFA to rescind Israel's participation in European competitions until the state's racist policies end against Palestinians and it abides by international law.

Without land, Gaza farmers grow crops on roofs
Hussein Shabat, director of the Palestinian Center for Youth Development, guides families working on rooftop garden projects, sometimes with the aid of outside donors. "Beit Hanoun is an important place for such gardens. It's near the border with Israel, and much agricultural land has been destroyed repeatedly by the Israeli army," he says. The Palestinian Agricultural Relief Committee reports that up to 75,000 dunams (a dunam equals 1,000 square meters) of prime agricultural land has been destroyed by Israeli bulldozers and bombings. "Also many farmers are unable to access their land because of the Israelis," Shabat adds. The Israeli imposition of a "buffer zone" along Gaza's borders swallows at least a third of Gaza's farmland and renders lethal any border regions farmers try to access. This land formerly produced wheat, barley and a variety of fruits and nuts; it was Gaza's food basket. "Many people have left their homes and land near border areas, because they are afraid of the constant Israeli shooting and shelling attacks," Shabat says. Beit Hanoun is now a waterless, treeless landscape. ... Home-grown food projects like rooftop gardens, and raising rabbits and chickens on the roof help combat the severe poverty of Gaza's 80 percent food-aid dependent population. Those living in tightly-packed refugee camps or overcrowded towns but with access to a roof can potentially stave off malnutrition and at the same time generate a small income.

Cape Town Opera plays Tel Aviv amid calls for boycott
The Cape Town Opera is performing Porgy and Bess in Tel Aviv, Israel. On opening night a group of Israeli Peace activists held a flash mob outside the opera house, calling on the performers to boycott Israel. (video)

Why we walked out
Students across the US are protesting a public relations campaign that brings soldiers from the Israeli army to speak on campuses. These tours are an attempt to justify recent war crimes committed by the army and are coordinated by various organizations, the most well-known being the Zionist organization StandWithUs. Our protests have drawn attention to the massive Israeli human rights abuses in the occupied Gaza Strip and the West Bank. The protests started on 20 October 2010, when two Israeli army soldiers visited the University of Michigan campus. Students, staff and community members collectively engaged in a silent walk-out in memory of and in solidarity with the Palestinian children who were silenced by the Israeli military during Israel's three-week bombardment of the Gaza Strip in winter 2008-09.

O Palestini iz knjige Put u Meku Muhammeda Asada

Jafska vrata, Britanci ulaze u Jeruzalem nakon okupacije 1917. (još fotografija Jeruzalema)

Dva ulomka o Palestini 1920-tih iz knjige Put u Meku Muhammeda Asada (1900-1992), austrijskog Židova iz ukrajinskog grada Lavova koji je 1920-tih putovao i izvještavao iz zemalja Srednjeg istoka, prešao na islam i zatim postao jednim od najutjecajnijih europskih muslimana 20. st. Asad, koji se prije obraćanja na islam zvao Leopold Weiss, je bio novinar, pisac, društveni kritičar, reformator, politički teoretičar, prevoditelj, te predstavnik Pakistana pri UN-u. Asad je napisao nekoliko knjiga, a njegovim se najznačajnijim djelom smatra njegov komentar i prijevod Kurana na engleski.


Često sam sjedio na kamenoj obali Jafanske kapije i posmatrao mnoštvo ljudi kako ulaze u Stari grad ili izlaze iz njega. Ovdje su se očešavali jedni o druge, gurali jedni druge, Arapi i Jevreji, sve moguće varijacije i jednih i drugih, bilo je koščatih felaha s njihovim bijelim ili smeđim pokrivačima za glavu ili narančastim turbanima. Bilo je beduina s oštrim, jasno oblikovanim i, gotovo bez izuzetka, mršavim licima, koji su nosili svoje ogrtače na čudno samouvjeren način, često s rukama na kukovima a razmaknutih laktova, kao da prihvataju kao gotovu činjenicu da će im se svako skloniti s puta. Bilo je seljanki u crnim ili plavim cicanim haljinama s bijelim vezom preko prsa, često noseći korpe na glavi i krećući se gipkom, neusiljenom Ijupkošću. Gledano straga, mnoga žena od šezdeset mogla bi se smatrati mladom djevojkom. Njihove oči izgledalo je da isto tako ostaju bistre i netaknute godinama - osim ako se desilo da su napadnute trahomom, tom opakom „egipatskom” očnom bolešću, koja je nesreća svih zemalja istočno od Mediterana.

Bilo je i Jevreja: domaćih Jevreja, koji nose tarbuš i široki, prostrani ogrtač, u licu veoma sličnih Arapima; Jevreja iz Poljske i Rusije, koji kao da su sa sobom nosili tako mnogo sićušnosti i uskosti svog prošlog života u Evropi da je bilo iznenađujuće pomisliti da oni tvrde o sebi da su iste loze kao i ponosni Jevreji iz Maroka ili Tunisa u svojim bijelim burnusima. Ali, iako su evropski Jevreji bili tako očigledno u disharmoniji sa slikom koja ih je okruživala, upravo su oni određivali ton jevrejskog života i politike i tako izgleda bili odgovorni za gotovo vidljivo trvenje između Jevreja i Arapa.

Šta je prosječan Evropljanin znao o Arapima tih dana? Praktički ništa. Kada je došao na Bliski istok, donio je sa sobom neke romantične i pogrešne pojmove. Ako je bio dobronamjeran i intelektualno pošten, morao je priznati da uopće nije imao pojma o Arapima. Ni ja, prije dolaska u Palestinu, nisam nikada mislio o njoj kao arapskoj zemlji. Neodređeno sam, naravno, znao da tamo živi "nešto" Arapa, ali sam ih zamišljao samo kao nomade u pustinjskim šatorima i stanovnike idiličnih oaza. Pošto su većinu onoga što sam ranije bio pročitao o Palestini napisali cionisti - koji su naravno vodili računa o svojim vlastitim problemima - ja nisam shvaćao da su i gradovi puni Arapa - da je, u stvari, 1922. god. živjelo u Palestini gotovo pet Arapa na svakog Jevreja i da je to, zato, arapska zemlja daleko više nego jevrejska.

Kad sam to rekao gosp Usiškinu, predsjedniku Cionističkog komiteta, s kojim sam se sreo u to doba, imao sam utisak da cionisti nisu skloni da uzimaju u razmatranje činjenicu arapske većine; niti je izgledalo da pridaje ikakvu stvarnu važnost arapskoj opoziciji cionizmu. Odgovor gosp. Usiškina pokazao je samo prezir prema Arapima:
"Nema stvarnog arapskog pokreta protiv nas ovdje; to jest, nikakvog pokreta ukorijenjenog u narodu. Sve što vi smatrate kao opoziciju, u stvari je samo vika nekoliko nezadovoljnih agitatora. To će se slomiti u sebi za nekoliko mjeseci ili najviše nekoliko godina."

Ovaj argument bio je daleko od toga da me zadovolji. Od samog početka imao sam osjećaj da je čitava ideja jevrejskog naseljavanja u Palestini neprirodna, a, što je još gore, ona prijeti da se prenesu sve komplikacije i nerješivi problemi evropskog života u zemlju koja je mogla biti sretnija bez njih. Jevreji u nju stvarno nisu dolazili kao što se vraća u svoju domovinu; oni su više bili zaokupljeni time da od nje naprave domovinu zamišljenu prema evropskim uzorima i s evropskim ciljevima. Ukratko, oni su bili stranci unutar kapija. Tako nisam vidio ništa pogrešno u arapskom odlučnom otporu ideji jevrejske domovine u njihovoj sredini; naprotiv, odmah sam shvatio da su upravo Arapi bili prevareni i s pravom se branili od takve prevare.

U Balfourovoj deklaraciji iz 1917. god., koja je obećavala Jevrejima „nacionalnu domovinu” u Palestini, vidio sam okrutan politički manevar smišljen da podstakne stari princip, zajednički svim kolonijalnim silama: „zavadi pa vladaj”. U slučaju Palestine ovaj princip bio je najočitiji kada su 1916. Britanci bili obećali tadašnjem vladaru Meke, Šerifu Huseinu, kao cijenu za njegovu pomoć protiv Turaka, nezavisnu arapsku državu koja je trebalo da obuhvati sve zemlje između Sredozemnog mora i Perzijskog zaliva. Oni ne samo da su prekršili svoje obećanje samo godinu kasnije, zaključujući s Francuskom tajni Sykes-Picot sporazum (kojim je utvrđen francuski dominion u Siriji i Libanu), već su isto tako, prešutno, isključili Palestinu iz obaveza koje su bili preuzeli u pogledu Arapa.

Iako sam i sam jevrejskog porijekla, od početka sam se oštro protivio cionizmu. Pored mojih ličnih simpatija prema Arapima, smatrao sam nemoralnim da doseljenici, uz pomoć strane velike sile, dolaze sa strane s očitom namjerom da postignu većinu u zemlji i tako izvlaste narod kome je ta zemlja pripadala od pamtivijeka. Prema tome, bio sam sklon da stanem na stranu Arapa kad god je došlo do rasprave o jevrejsko-arapskom pitanju - što se, naravno, dešavalo vrlo često. Ovo moje držanje bilo je neshvatljivo gotovo svim Jevrejima s kojima sam dolazio u dodir u toku onih mjeseci.

Nisu mogli razumjeti šta sam vidio u Arapima koji su, po njihovom mišljenju, samo masa zaostalog naroda na koji su oni gledali s osjećajem ne mnogo različitim od onog koji imaju evropski doseljenici u centralnoj Africi. Nisu bili ni najmanje zainteresovani za ono što Arapi misle; gotovo niko od njih nije se potrudio da nauči arapski; svaki je prihvatio bez ikakva ispitivanja načelo da je Palestina zakonito nasljeđe Jevreja.

Još uvijek se sjećam kratke rasprave koju sam zbog ovog imao s drom Chaimom Weizmannom, stvarnim vođom cionističkog pokreta. Bio je došao u jednu od svojih periodičnih posjeta Palestini (njegovo stalno boravište bio je, mislim, London), a sreo sam ga u kući jednog prijatelja, Jevreja. Čovjek je morao biti impresioniran njegovom neizmjernom energijom - energijom koja se čak ispoljava u njegovim tjelesnim pokretima, u dugačkim, elastičnim koracima kojima odmjereno korača gore-dolje po sobi - kao i snagom uma koja se otkriva u širokom čelu i prodornom pogledu njegovih očiju.

Govorio je o novčanim poteškoćama koje muče san o jevrejskoj nacionalnoj domovini i o nedovoljnom odzivu za ovaj san medu ljudima u inostranstvu; imao sam uznemirujući utisak da je čak i on, kao i većina drugih cionista, sklon da prebaci moralnu odgovornost za sve što se dešava u Palestini na "vanjski svijet". To me natjeralo da prekinem smjernu tišinu u kojoj su ga svi prisutni slušali i da upitam:
"A šta je s Arapima?"

Mora da sam postupio netaktično, unoseći tako neskladnu notu u razgovor, jer se dr Weizmann polahko okrenu prema meni, spusti čašu koju je držao u ruci i ponovi moje pitanje:
"Šta je s Arapima...?"

"Pa kako se ikako možete nadati da od Palestine napravite svoju domovinu uprkos oštrom protivljenju Arapa, koji su, ipak, većina u ovoj zemlji?"

Cionistički voda sleže ramenima i odgovori suho: "Očekujemo da neće biti u većini nakon nekoliko godina."

"Možda je to tako. Vi se bavite tim pitanjima godinama i morate poznavati stanje bolje nego ja. Ali, sasvim neovisno o političkim teškoćama koje arapska opozicija može ili ne mora predstavljati na vašem putu - zar vas nikada ne uznemirava moralni aspekt toga pitanja? Zar ne mislite da je nepošteno s vaše strane prognati narod koji je oduvijek živio u ovoj zemlji?"

"Pa to je naša zemlja", odgovori dr Weizmann, podižući obrve. "Mi samo uzimamo nazad ono čega smo bili nepravedno lišeni."

"Ali, vi ste van Palestine skoro dvije hiljade godina! Prije toga vladali ste ovom zemljom, i to jedva ikada čitavom, manje od pet stotina godina. Zar ne mislite da bi Arapi mogli, s jednakim opravdanjem, tražiti za sebe Španiju - jer, konačno, oni su vladali u Španiji skoro sedam stotina godina i potpuno je izgubili tek prije pet stotina godina?"

Dr Weizmannje postao vidljivo nestrpljiv: "Besmislica. Arapi su samo pokorili Španiju; ona nikada nije bila njihova stvarna domovina, pa je konačno bilo i pravo da budu protjerani iz Španije."

"Oprostite", uzvratih, "ali izgleda mi da je tu u pitanju historijska omaška. Uostalom, Jevreji su isto tako došli u Palestinu kao osvajači. Dugo vremena prije njih bilo je mnogo drugih semitskih i nesemitskih plemena nastanjenih ondje - Amorita, Edomita, Filistina, Moabita, Hitila. Ta plemena živjela su ovdje čak i u doba kraljevstva Izraela i Jude. Oni su nastavili da žive tu nakon što su Rimljani protjerali naše pretke. Oni žive tu i danas. Arapi, koji su se nastanili u Siriji i Palestini nakon njihovog osvajanja u sedmom vijeku, bili su uvijek samo mala manjina stanovništva; ostatak onoga što danas nazivamo palestinskim i sirijskim "Arapima" su u stvari samo arabizirani autohtoni stanovnici zemlje. Neki od njih su postali muslimani tokom vijekova, drugi su ostali kršćani. Muslimani su se naravno ženili sa svojim istovjernicima iz Arabije. Ali zar možete nijekati da je većina naroda u Palestini, koji govori arapski, bez obzira da li su muslimani ili kršćani, direktni potomci izvornih stanovnika, izvornih u smislu da su živjeli u ovoj zemlji prije dolaska Jevreja u nju?"

Dr Weizmann se uljudno nasmiješi na moj ispad i skrenu razgovor na drugu temu.

Nisam bio zadovoljan ishodom svoga posredovanja. Naravno, nisam očekivao da bilo ko od prisutnih - a najmanje sam dr Weizmann - pristane uz moje uvjerenje da je cionistička ideja jako ranjiva s moralnog gledišta; ali sam se nadao da će moja odbrana arapske stvari barem izazvati neku vrstu neugodnosti kod cionističkih voda - neugodnosti koja bi mogla dovesti do malo više razmišljanja i na taj način, možda, do veće spremnosti da se prizna postojanje mogućeg moralnog prava u suprotstavljanju Arapa... Nije bilo ništa od ovoga. Umjesto toga, našao sam se pred bezizražajnim zidom iskolačenih očiju: oštro osuđivanje moje drskosti, da sam se usudio da posumnjam u neosporno pravo Jevreja na zemlju njihovih predaka...

Kako je bilo moguće, pitao sam se, da ljudi nadareni takvom stvaralačkom inteligencijom kao što su Jevreji misle o cionističko-arapskom sukobu samo s jevrejskog gledišta? Zar nisu shvaćali da problem Jevreja u Palestini može na koncu biti riješen samo prijateljskom saradnjom s Arapima? Jesu li bili tako beznadno slijepi prema bolnoj budućnosti koju njihova politika mora donijeti - prema borbama, gorčini i mržnji kojoj će jevrejsko ostrvo, čak ako privremeno bude i uspješno, ostati zauvijek izloženo usred neprijateljskog arapskog mora?

I tako je čudno, pomislih, da je nacija koja je trpjela tako mnogo nepravdi u toku svoje duge i nesretne dijaspore sada spremna, da u uskogrudnoj težnji ka svom vlastitom cilju, nanese tešku nepravdu drugoj naciji - a uz to naciji koja je nedužna u svim prošlim jevrejskim stradanjima. Takva pojava, znao sam, nije bila nepoznata historiji; ali to je, ipak, izazvalo u meni tugu videći da se to dešava pred mojim očima.

U to doba moje udubljivanje u političku scenu u Palestini bilo je osnovano ne samo na mojoj simpatiji prema Arapima i mojoj zabrinutosti oko cionističkog eksperimenta, nego isto tako i mojim žurnalističkim zanimanjem: bio sam postao specijalni dopisnik lista Frankfurter Zeitung, tada jednog od najstarijih listova u Evropi. [...]

[...]

Sada sam imao mnogo prijatelja u Palestini, i Jevreja i Arapa. Cionisti su me, istina, gledali s nekom vrstom zbunjene sumnje radi simpatija prema Arapima koje su bile tako očigledne u mojim napisima Frankfurter Zeitungu. Očevidno nisu mogli odlučiti da su me Arapi "kupili" (jer u cionističkoj Palestini ljudi su se već bili navikli da gotovo sve što se dešava objašnjavaju novcem) ili sam jednostavno hiroviti intelektualac zaljubljen u egzotiku. Ali, nisu svi Jevreji koji su živjeli u Palestini u to vrijeme bili cionisti. Neki od njih su bili došli tamo, ne u želji za političkim ciljem nego iz religiozne čežnje za Svetom zemljom i njenim biblijskim asocijacijama.

Ovoj grupi pripadao je i moj holandski prijatelj Jacob de Haan, nizak, zdepast čovjek četrdesetih godina, plave brade, koji je ranije predavao pravo na jednom od vodećih univerziteta u Holandiji a sada bio specijalni dopisnik amsterdamskog Handelsbada i londonskog Daily Expressa. Čovjek dubokog religioznog uvjerenja - "ortodoksan" kao bilo koji Jevrej iz Istočne Evrope - on nije odobravao ideju cionizma jer je vjerovao da povratak njegovog naroda u Obećanu zemlju treba da čeka dolazak Mesije. "Mi Jevreji", govorio mi je u više prilika, "protjerani smo iz Svete zemlje i razasuti po svijetu zato što nismo izvršili zadatak koji nam je Bog bio povjerio. On nas je bio izabrao da propovijedamo Njegovu riječ, ali smo mi u svojoj tvrdoglavoj obijesti počeli vjerovati da nas je On učinio svojim "izabranim narodom" radi nas samih - i tako smo Ga izdali. Sada nam ostaje samo da se kajemo i čistimo naša srca; a kad opet postanemo dostojni Njegove Poruke, On će nam poslati Mesiju da vodi Njegove sluge u Obećanu zemlju..."

"Ali zar ta mesijanska ideja nije osnova i za cionistički pokret?" upitah ga. "Vi znate da se s tim ne slažem, ali zar nije prirodna želja svakog naroda da ima svoju vlastitu, nacionalnu domovinu?"

Dr de Haan me pogleda podrugljivo: "Zar mislite da je historija samo niz dogadjaja? Ja ne. Nije to bilo bez svrhe kad je Bog učinio da izgubimo našu zemlju i kad nas je rasturio; ali cionisti to neće da priznaju sami sebi. Oni trpe od istog duhovnog sljepila koje je dovelo do našeg pada. Dvije hiljade godina jevrejskog izgnanstva i nesreće nisu ih naučile ničemu. Umjesto da pokušaju shvatiti najskrivenije uzroke naše nesreće, oni sada pokušavaju da to, takoreći, zaobidu izgradnjom "nacionalne domovine" na temeljima koje im pruža politika zapadne sile, a u procesu izgradnje nacionalne domovine oni vrše zločin lišavanja drugog naroda njegove domovine."

Politički pogledi Jacoba de Haana prirodno su ga učinili vrlo nepopularnim među cionistima (u stvari, uskoro nakon što sam napustio Palestinu, bio sam zaprepašćen kad sam saznao da su ga teroristi jedne noći ustrijelili). Kad sam ga upoznao, njegovo druženje bilo je ograničeno na vrlo mali broj Jevreja koji su mislili kao i on, nekoliko Evropljana i Arapa. Izgledalo je da je prema Arapima osjećao veliku naklonost, a oni, sa svoje strane, visoko su ga cijenili i često ga pozivali u svoje domove. U stvari, u to doba oni još nisu imali općenitih predrasuda prema Jevrejima kao takvim. Tek nakon Balfourove deklaracije - to jest, nakon vijekova dobrosusjedskih odnosa i svijesti o rasnom srodstvu - Arapi su počeli gledati na Jevreje kao na političke neprijatelje. Čak i u izmijenjenim okolnostima onih ranih dvadesetih godina, oni su još uvijek jasno razlikovali cioniste i Jevreje koji su im prijatelji kao dr Haan.


Izvod iz knjige "Put u Mekku", autora Muhammeda Asada, Sarajevo 1997. (3. Izdanje), str. 81-85 i 87-89.

Podsjetnik na humanitarnu akciju "Ja i BiH za Gazu"

Podsjećam da akcija prikupljanja sredstava za pomoć stanovništvu Gaze bosanskohercegovačke humanitarne nevladine organizacije „Međunarodni forum solidarnosti – EMMAUS“ traje još do prosinca (decembra) ove godine.

Građani u BiH u akciji mogu sudjelovati pozivom na broj telefona 090 292 048 pri čemu doniraju 3 KM.

Građani izvan BiH u akciju se mogu uključiti uplatom na:
Transakcijiski račun EUR:
Intesa Sanpaolo Banka
50301200037761
SWIFT code: UPBKBA 22
IBAN: BA39 1542001100085746


DODATNI LINKOVI
Palestina/Izrael:
A privatized Nakba
Palestinians describe the Israel Land Administration Law (ILA) quietly passed by the Israeli Knesset in 2009 as the final stage in the 62-year process of displacement from their homeland. The legislation is expected to have a long-term, disastrous impact on Palestinian lives and precludes the possibility of a negotiated resolution to the conflict. ... In contrast to most countries, Israel has retained state control over and ownership of the bulk of its land. During the establishment of the state in 1948, Israel expelled more than 700,000 Palestinians from approximately 400 villages and cities -- what Palestinians call the Nakba or catastrophe. Since then publicly-owned lands have accounted for 93 percent of the state's territory. "The state nationalized all the land in 1948 in order to facilitate the misappropriation of Palestinians and the reallocation of land in favor of Jews," Shir Hever, an economist for the Alternative Information Center, commented to The Electronic Intifada. Israel has operated a system wherein Israelis and Palestinians leased their property from the state. However, in August 2009, the Knesset made the first move to end this system by enacting the ILA, also referred to as the Land Reform Law. This law allows the state to transfer ownership of all developed land to an individual, private company or corporation. With egregious disregard for international law, Israel's Land Reform Law applies not only to land within Israel proper, but also to occupied East Jerusalem and the Syrian Golan Heights, which Israel annexed in violation of international law in 1981. The passage of this bill has grave consequences for internally-displaced Palestinians living in Israel and Palestinian refugees everywhere. Palestinians have long maintained a legal claim to return to the land from which they were forcefully evicted from and have held on to the hope to do so.


Ostalo:
Mubarak's Critics See Hypocrisy in U.S. Support
In the latest example of a widespread campaign of media repression, Kareem Nabil, an Egyptian blogger who completed a four-year prison term, was still being detained and beaten at the State Security Intelligence (SSI) headquarters in Alexandria by security officers, according to the New York- based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information. Nabil had been released from Burj al-Arab Prison on Nov. 6. He was subsequently re-arrested by security officers in Alexandria without charges. A student at Cairo's state-run religious university, Al- Azhar, Nabil was convicted in 2006 by an Alexandria court of insulting Islam and President Hosni Mubarak, who he called a dictator. ... The government's efforts to stifle opposition to the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) have included firing an influential newspaper editor, revoking the licenses of TV channels, arresting bloggers, changing the rules governing political slogans, and fabricating infractions to disqualify opposition candidates from running. ... The Obama administration has been most outspoken regarding the emergency laws, whose renewal it regards as a broken promise. It has also publicly condemned the June murder of blogger Khaled Saeed, who was dragged out of an Internet café and beaten to death on the street. He had recently posted a video online exposing police corruption. Human rights advocates charge that the government has kidnapped bloggers and Internet activists, tortured them, and then imprisoned them until the bruises on their bodies have disappeared so there is no evidence of abuse.

France says Afghanistan is a trap
The war in Afghanistan is a trap for all parties involved and France will discuss how to draw down its troop presence at a NATO summit this week, the newly-appointed defence minister said on Wednesday. ... France has about 3,500 troops in Afghanistan, although the U.S.-led war has been largely unpopular at home. At least 50 French soldiers in Afghanistan have been killed since 2001.

Battle of Vukovar

Information on the heroic battle of Vukovar (August 25 - November 18, 1991), excerpted from English Wikipedia:

The Battle of Vukovar was an 87-day siege of the Croatian city of Vukovar by the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA), supported by various Serbian paramilitary forces, between August–November 1991 during the Croatian War of Independence. It ended with the defeat of the local Croatian National Guard, the destruction of Vukovar, the death of at least 3,000 people as well as ethnic cleansing of at least 20,000 Croats from the city and surroundings.

According to some estimates, Serbian gunners fired up to a million shells into Vukovar.

Vukovar was defended by a force of some 1,800 defenders drawn from the locals, the 204th brigade of the Croatian National Guard (ZNG) and Interior Ministry forces. None of these were trained military formations. Despite their small numbers and poor weaponry, they were far better motivated than their opponents [...]

The attacking force was a mixture of JNA soldiers, conscripts from the Serbian Territorial Defense Forces (Teritorijalna Obrana or TO), Chetniks (Serbian nationalist paramilitaries) and local Serb militiamen. At its largest, it numbered about 50,000 troops. Although it was in theory far stronger than the Croatian forces and was much better equipped, it suffered from often low morale, poor leadership, and constant desertions, which reduced the strength and capability of many units [...]

From August 25, Vukovar was under constant artillery and rocket bombardment. [...] By September 30, the town was almost completely surrounded; all roads in and out of the town were blocked and the only route in was via a track through a perilously exposed cornfield.

During the period of September 14 to 20, JNA launched some of the largest tank and infantry attacks at the city. One of the major tank attacks in this period was started on September 18 from the north on Trpinjska Street; launched by the JNA's 51st Mechanized Brigade's one Mechanized Battalion of about 30 tanks and 30 APCs. When the first tanks reached the Croatian lines, the leading column was ambushed and came under heavy fire from Croatian small arms weapons and rockets, directed from the roofs and basements along the street. The Croatian ambush would typically funnel the Serbian armoured columns into "killing fields", and then the RPG gunners would knock out the first and last tank in the line, thereby trapping the rest of tanks in the middle. Serbian tanks were unable to depress their tank barrels low enough to fire into basements. The column was almost completely wiped out. As a result, an area where the fighting occurred was nicknamed "Tank Graveyard". In total, about one hundred armoured vehicles were destroyed there [...]

From mid-October 1991 to the fall of the city in mid-November, Vukovar was surrounded by JNA and Serbian forces. Its remaining inhabitants – who included some several thousand Serbs – took refuge in communal bomb shelters [...]

A crisis committee was established, operating from a nuclear bunker underneath the municipal hospital. It organised the delivery of food, water and medical supplies, keeping to a minimum the number of civilians on the streets and ensuring that each bomb shelter was guarded and had at least one doctor and nurse assigned to it.

The hospital was kept busy dealing with hundreds of wounded people; in the latter half of September, it had received between sixteen and eighty wounded each day, three quarters of them civilians. Despite the building being clearly marked with the Red Cross symbol it was shelled and bombed along with the rest of the city. On October 4, the Yugoslav Air Force attacked it, destroying its operating theater. One bomb fell through several floors, failed to explode and landed on the foot of a wounded man, who survived.

Despite the attacking forces' numerical superiority and far greater firepower, they were unable to dislodge the Croatian defenders. The JNA's attempts to storm the city were beaten back with heavy losses in manpower and equipment. [...]

Unable to engage the defenders directly, the army instead resorted to intensive long-range artillery bombardments supported by occasional Yugoslav Air Force bombing raids. By the end of October, much of Vukovar had been reduced to ruins. [...] By November 15, the defenders had been reduced to isolated pockets, and they surrendered on November 18. [...]

The fate of those captured at Vukovar, both military and civilians, was grim. Many appear to have been summarily executed by Serbian paramilitaries; journalists visiting the town immediately after its fall reported seeing the streets strewn with bodies in civilian clothes.

The defenders of the northern pocket of Borovo Naselje were unable to escape and most are reported to have been killed. Many of the defenders of Vukovar proper were also killed although some, including the commanders, successfully broke through JNA lines and escaped to government-held territory. Of the non-Serb civilian survivors, most were expelled to government-held territory but around 800 of the men of fighting age (civilians and captured soldiers alike) as well as many other civilians were imprisoned in Serbian prisons and POW camps. Majority from Vukovar ended up in the Sremska Mitrovica camp. Although most were eventually freed in prisoner exchanges, some reportedly died after being tortured.

Many of the Croatians in the Vukovar hospital (around 260 people plus several medical personnel) were taken by JNA and Serb paramilitary forces to the nearby field of Ovčara and executed there (Vukovar massacre). Three JNA officers, Mile Mrkšić, Veselin Šljivančanin and Miroslav Radić were indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) on multiple counts of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws of war. The three indictees were either captured or handed themselves in during 2002 and 2003 and stood trial in October 2005. On September 27, 2007, Mrkšić was sentenced by the ICTY to 20 years' imprisonment for murder and torture, Šljivančanin was sentenced to five years' jail on charges of torture, but was acquitted on charges of extermination, and Radić was acquitted. Slavko Dokmanović was also indicted and arrested for his role in the massacre, but committed suicide in 1998 days before judgement was to be announced.

The Serbian chetniks (paramilitary) leader Vojislav Šešelj has been indicted on a variety of war crimes charges including several counts of extermination in relation to the Vukovar hospital massacre, in which his "White Eagles" were allegedly involved. In addition, Croatia has tried a number of Serbs for war crimes committed at Vukovar – although most of the original indictees either died before they could be tried, or had to be tried in absentia – and in December 2005 a Serbian court convicted fourteen former paramilitaries for their involvement in the hospital massacre.

Although the initial attack on Vukovar has not been the subject of war crimes charges, the ICTY's indictment of Slobodan Milošević characterised the overall JNA/Serb offensive in Croatia – including the fighting in Eastern Slavonia – as a "joint criminal enterprise" to remove non-Serb populations from Serb-inhabited areas of Croatia. Milošević was also charged with responsibility for exterminations, deportations and destruction of property conducted in Vukovar, as well as involvement in the hospital massacre.

Serbian courts later sentenced 14 former militiamen to jail terms of up to 20 years for the killing of at least 200 prisoners of war seized at a Vukovar hospital. A re-trial was ordered by Serbia's supreme court over alleged irregularities in the proceeding.

By the end of 1991, the official figures issued in Croatia showed that approximately 3,210 Croats were killed and 17,393 people wounded during the conflict. Most of the casualties were sustained during the siege of Vukovar. The exact numbers of casualties at Vukovar is still unknown. According to official Croatian figures, published by Croatian Ministry of Defence in 2006, Croatia lost 879 soldiers killed and 770 wounded in Vukovar only. According to Croatian general Anton Tus, about 1,100 of Vukovar's defenders were killed and 2,600 defenders and civilians were listed as missing; another 1,000 Croatian soldiers were killed on the approaches to Vinkovci and Osijek. He noted that the intensity of the fighting can be judged by the fact that the losses in Eastern Slavonia between September–November 1991 constituted half of all Croatian war casualties during the whole of 1991. In his book Croatian history, published 2004, Croatian historian Ivo Goldstein wrote that Croatian military losses in the Battle of Vukovar were 2,500 military dead (including forces which helped defence of Vukovar outside the town). The CIA estimates Croatian casualties at around 4,000-5,000 dead across Eastern Slavonia.

Requiem for Vukovar

Ave Maria

Palestinska djeca zarobljenici - neki podaci za listopad 2010.

Informacije iz biltena palestinske nevladine organizacije za prava djeteta DCI-Palestine o palestinskoj djeci u izraelskom zatočeništvu s podacima za listopad 2010. koji se u cijelosti na engleskom može pročitati na linku.

Izraelski vojni pravosudni sustav svake godine pritvori i procesuira oko 700 palestinske djece, među kojima neka imaju tek 12 godina. Djeca najčešće bivaju optuživana za gađanje kamenjem. Većina ove djece zatočena je u Izraelu, u suprotnosti s člankom 76. Četvrte ženevske konvencije.


Ukupan broj palestinske djece u izraelskom zatočeništvu na kraju svakog mjeseca počevši od siječnja 2008. (Aver. - prosjek)
Prema posljednjim podacima koje je prikupio DCI-Palestine u izraelskom se zatočeništvu 31. listopada 2010. nalazilo 256 palestinske djece u dobi između 12 i 17 godina, što je 13 djece manje u odnosu na prethodni mjesec.


Broj palestinske djece u dobi između 12 i 15 godina u izraelskom zatočeništvu na kraju svakog mjeseca počevši od siječnja 2008.
31. listopada 2010. u izraelskom se zatvoru nalazilo 34 palestinske djece u dobi između 12 i 15 godina, 2 djece više u odnosu na prethodni mjesec.


Broj palestinskih djevojčica u izraelskom zatočeništvu na kraju svakog mjeseca počevši od siječnja 2008.
U listopadu 2010. u izraelskim zatvorskim ustanovama nije bilo palestinskih djevojčica.


Broj palestinske djece u izraelskom administrativnom pritvoru na kraju svakog mjeseca počevši od siječnja 2008.
Emadu Al-Ashrabu (17) početkom studenog 2010. po četvrti je put produljen administrativni pritvor za dodatnih 3 mjeseca. Emad se u administrativnom pritvoru, bez optužnice i suđenja, nalazi od 26. veljače 2010. Moatasem Nazzal (16) se u izraelskom administrativnom pritvoru bez optužnice i suđenja nalazi od 10. ožujka 2010.


Primjeri uhićivanja i zlostavljanja palestinske djece od strane izraelske vojske u listopadu 2010.
Baha' R. (13 godina)
Izraelski su vojnici 11. listopada uhitili 13-godišnjeg dječaka iz Silwana u Istočnom Jeruzalemu, na okupiranom palestinskom teritoriju, i optužili ga da je bacao kamenje. Oko 17 sati Baha' je skupa s prijateljima stajao ispred kuće svoje sestre. U tom su ih trenutku napala 10 muškaraca u civilnoj odjeći. Čini se da se radilo o pripadnicima izraelskih sigurnosnih snaga. Muškarci su Bahu odvukli u obližnju džamiju i zatim počeli pucati iz oružja i ispaljivati suzavac na ljude koji su se nalazili ispred džamije. Bahi su ruke vezali na leđima, a majicu mu navukli preko očiju kako ništa ne bi vidio. Baha' je osjetio djelovanje suzavca koji su muškarci ispaljivali. Ubrzo nakon toga, Bahu su smjestili u izraelsko vojno vozilo gdje su ga udarali rukama i nogama. Potom su ga prevezli do istražnog centra Al Mascobiyya ("Ruske zgrade") na drugom kraju Jeruzalema, gdje su ga ispitivali o tome tko je bacao kamenje na vojnike. Baha' je ubrzo priznao da je bacao kamenje "jer sam se toliko uplašio jer su me tukli kad su me uhitili i jer sam bio sam u sobi za ispitivanje". Baha' je pušten na slobodu u 23 sata istog dana uz jamčevinu od 5000 šekela (1400 američkih dolara).

Msallam O. (10 godina)
18. listopada 2010. izraelski su vojnici uhitili i optužili da je bacao kamenje 10-godišnjeg dječaka iz Silwana u Istočnom Jeruzalemu, na okupiranom palestinskom teritoriju. Msallam je stajao ispred prosvjednog šatora u četvrti al-Bustan u Silwanu gdje se okupila skupina mladića koji su bacali kamenje na koloniste, prosvjedujući na taj način protiv planova da se sruše kuće mještana u toj četvrti. Msallam nije prekrio lice jer nije namjeravao bacati kamenje, već je samo htio vidjeti što će se dogoditi. Odjednom je 15 muškaraca u civilnoj odjeći iskočilo iz 2 bijela kombija, a 3 među njima pograbila su Msallama. Jedan ga je držao za vrat. Msallamu su ruke vezali na leđima plastičnim lisicama, a jedan ga je muškarac pitao tko je bacao kamenje i zatim počeo 10-godišnjaka udarati šakom u glavu, te mu naredio da začepi kad je dječak počeo vikati. Zatim su Msallama odvukli 100 metara dalje i stavili ga u prtljažnik jednog vozila. Oko 30 minuta kasnije vozilo se zaustavilo i Msallamu su naredili da izađe iz prtljažnika. Msallam je vidio da se nalaze u blizini Magrepskih vrata i Silwana. Msallam je tamo prestrašen na hladnoći morao stajati 30 minuta, a zatim su ga ponovo strpali u prtljažnik vozila i prevezli u istražni centar Al Mascobiyya ("Rusku zgradu"). Msallama su ispitivali u nazočnosti njegovog oca i pitali ga zašto je bacao kamenje, što je on poricao, te je također odbijao reći tko je bacao kamenje. "Ovog te puta neću staviti u zatvor, ali slijedeći puta hoću, a morat ćeš i platiti novčanu kaznu", rekao je 10-godišnjem Msallamu ispitivač. Msallam je pušten na slobodu istog dana.

Mohammad G. (12 godina)
Vojnici su 12-godišnjeg dječaka iz Silwana u Istočnom Jeruzalemu, na okupiranom palestinskom teritoriju, uhitili 25. listopada 2010. na putu do škole i optužili ga da je bacao kamenje. Mohammad je bio na putu u školu u 8 sati ujutro kad su neka djeca počela bacati kamenje na teško naoružane izraelske policajce u četvrti. Policajci su u terenskim vozilima počeli ganjati svu djecu i Mohammad je pobjegao "jer se bojao da će ga istući". Uhvatili su ga zajedno s ostalom djecom i strpali u stražnji dio velikog bijelog vozila proizvođača GMC. U vozilu se također nalazilo oko 7 policajaca koji su tijekom 15 minuta vožnje neprestano Mohammada dlanovima udarali po glavi. Prevezli su ga u istražni centar Al Mascobiyya u Jeruzalemu. Po dolasku, djeca su izvedena iz vozila i poredana licem okrenuta prema zidu. Jedan im je policajac zaprijetio "ako čujem kako netko od vas diše, razbit ću vas". Djeca su nasuprot zidu morala stajati oko 2 sata. Nakon 2 sata Mohammada je ispitivao zapovjednik Shadi u nazočnosti dječakove majke i pitao ga zašto je bacao kamenje na izraelsku policiju. Dječak je tvrdio da nije bacao kamenje. Ispitivač mu je na njegovo poricanje odgovorio uvredom. Mohammad je odbio potpisati papir koji su mu nudili i odveden je van gdje je ponovo licem okrenut prema zidu skupa s ostalom djecom stajao još 30 minuta. Zatim je odveden pred sud i kažnjen novčanom kaznom od 250 šekela, te mu je određen kućni pritvor od 14 dana. Nakon toga Mohammada su držali u jednoj prostoriji 4 sata i za to mu vrijeme nisu dali ni hrane, ni vode, niti ga odveli na WC. Na slobodu je pušten oko 17 sati.


U izvještaju koji je organizacija DCI-Palestine 23. listopada 2010. dostavila Pododboru za ljudska prava EU-a vezano uz zatvorske uvjete u kojima su u izraelskom pritvoru držana palestinska djeca između ostalog stoji:
- da je 58 % palestinske djece pritvoreno na teritoriju Izraela, u suprotnosti s člankom 76 Četvrte ženevske konvencije.
- da do 42,5% palestinske djece zatvorenika nije prikladno odvojeno od odraslih zatvorenika, u suprotnosti s odredbama međunarodnog prava.
- da se 55% palestinske djece zarobljenika žali na neprimjerenu hranu, vodu ili smještaj.
- da većina palestinske djece zarobljenika ne prima posjete obitelji tijekom prva 3 mjeseca svog zatočeništva, te da niti jednom palestinskom djetetu zatvoreniku nije dopušteno da telefonski kontaktira sa svojom obitelji.
- da su djeca u istražnom i pritvornom centru Al Jalame rutinski izložena ozbiljnom zlostavljanju i mučenju, uključujući smještanje u neudobne položaje, onemogućavanje spavanja i stavljanje u samicu.

Izvor i više informacija na engleskom: Detention Bulletin October 2010


DODATNI LINKOVI:
Palestina/Izrael
Police, Bedouin clash as state demolishes condemned Negev mosque
Izraelske vlasti srušile džamiju u beduinskom gradu Rahatu u Negevu (7. studeni 2010.)
U beduinskom gradu Rahatu u Izraelu izbili su neredi u subotu (6. studenog) navečer kad su izraelske snage došle u taj grad kako bi srušile džamiju koja je izgrađena bez građevinske dozvole. Tisuće mještana navodno su policajce koji su osiguravali rušenje gađale kamenjem, a policija im je uzvratila suzavcem. Nekoliko je prosvjednika uhićeno. U općini Rahat proglašen je zbog rušenja džamije opći štrajk, a građani su već u nedjelju ponovo počeli graditi srušenu džamiju.

Israel is right to be concerned
Izrael brine da bi izraelski dužnosnici mogli biti uhićeni i optuženi za zločine protiv čovječnosti u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu. Nedavno je svoj posjet Londonu otkazala čelnica izraelske stranke Kadima Tzipi Livni, a pretprošli je tjedan isto učinio zamjenik izraelskog premijera Dan Meridor. Zahvaljujući univerzalnoj jurisdikciji u Ujedinjenom se Kraljevstvu za ratne zločine i zločine protiv čovječnosti može suditi čak i kada se oni nisu dogodili na tlu Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva i kada među žrtvama nema britanskih državljana.

Palestine: Roadmap to Peace?

Jonathan Cook: Why Palestinians may one day thank Netanyahu
The war of 1948 that created Israel led to the first and most significant division: between the minority of Palestinians who remained inside the new territory of Israel and the refugees forced outside its borders, who today are numbered in millions. Since 1967, Israel has fostered many further splits: between the cities and rural areas; between the West Bank and Gaza; between East Jerusalem and the West Bank; between the main rival political movements, Fatah and Hamas; and between the PA leadership and the diaspora. Israel's guiding principle has been to engender discord between Palestinians by putting the interests of each group into conflict, said Dr. Ghanem. "A feuding Palestinian nation was never likely to be in a position to run its own affairs."

The Palestinians of Israel are poised to take centre stage
Throughout the Arab areas of Jerusalem, as in the West Bank, the government is pressing ahead with land expropriations, demolitions and settlement building, making the prospects of a Palestinian state ever more improbable. More than a third of the land in East Jerusalem has been expropriated since it was occupied in 1967 to make way for Israeli colonists, in flagrant violation of international law. ... About 87,000 Bedouin live in 45 "unrecognised" villages, without rights or basic public services, because the Israeli authorities refuse to recognise their claim to the land. All have demolition orders hanging over them, while hundreds of Jewish settlements have been established throughout the area. ... At the weekend, a mosque in the Bedouin town of Rahat was torn down by the army in the night. By Sunday afternoon, local people were already at work on rebuilding it, as patriotic songs blared out from the PA system and activists addressed an angry crowd. The awakening of the Negev Bedouin, many of whom used to send their sons to fight in the Israeli army, reflects a wider politicisation of the Arab citizens of Israel. Cut off from the majority of Palestinians after 1948, they tried to find an accommodation with the state whose discrimination against them was, in the words of former prime minister Ehud Olmert, "deep-seated and intolerable" from the first. That effort has as good as been abandoned. The Arab parties in the Israeli Knesset now reject any idea of Israel as an ethnically defined state, demanding instead a "state of all its people". The influential Islamic Movement refuses to take part in the Israeli political system at all. The Palestinians of '48, who now make up getting on for 20% of the population, are increasingly organising themselves on an independent basis – and in common cause with their fellow Palestinians across the Green Line.

Major Dutch pension fund divests from occupation
The major Dutch pension fund Pensioenfonds Zorg en Welzijn (PFZW), which has investments totaling 97 billion euros, has informed The Electronic Intifada that it has divested from almost all the Israeli companies in its portfolio. PGGM, the manager of the major Dutch pension fund PFZW, has adopted a new guideline for socially responsible investment in companies which operate in conflict zones. In addition, PFZM has also entered into discussions with Motorola, Veolia and Alstom to raise its concerns about human rights issues. All three companies have actively supported and profited from Israel's occupation of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip.

The great book robbery of 1948
Between May 1948 and February 1949, librarians from the Jewish National Library and Hebrew University Library entered the desolate Palestinian homes of west Jerusalem and seized 30,000 books, manuscripts and newspapers alone. These cultural assets, which had belonged to elite and educated Palestinian families, were then "loaned" to the National Library where they have remained until now. Furthermore, across cities such as Jaffa, Haifa, Tiberias and Nazareth, employees of the Custodian of Absentee Property gathered approximately 40,000-50,000 books belonging to Palestinians. Most of these were later resold to Arabs although approximately 26,000 books were deemed unsuitable as they contained "inciting material against the State [Israel]" and were sold as paper waste. This untold story of the Nakba has remained hidden over the years until, by complete accident, Israeli graduate student Gish Amit stumbled across archives documenting the systematic looting of Palestinian books.

The Great Book Robbery
The Great Book Robbery is a multifaceted cultural heritage project. It has two major components, a documentary film to be produced, broadcast and screened internationally and this very website which will grow into a multi-function platform. ... 60,000 Palestinian books were systematically looted by the newly born State of Israel during the 1948 war. The story of the stolen books is not only at the heart of our project but also the launching pad of a much bigger and wider endeavor: We intend on communicating the scope and depth of the Palestinian tragedy through the destruction of Palestinian culture in 1948.

Jonathan Cook: Rabbis provoke riots in Israel's "most racist" city
Meanwhile, the mayor of Upper Nazareth, Shimon Gapso, who is also allied with Yisrael Beiteinu, has announced plans to build a new neighborhood for 3,000 religious Jews to halt what he called the city's "demographic deterioration." Hundreds of Palestinian families from neighboring Nazareth have relocated to the Jewish city to escape overcrowding. Today, one in eight of Upper Nazareth's 42,000-strong population is Palestinian. ... Hatia Chomsky-Porat, who leads Galilee activists for Sikkuy, a group advocating better relations between Jews and Palestinians, said: "The political atmosphere is growing darker all the time. Racism among Jews is entirely mainstream now." In Safed, the Palestinian student body, heavily outnumbered by nearly 40,000 Jewish residents, has tried to keep a low profile. However, one small act of defiance appears to have further contributed to Jewish residents' fears of a "takeover." Inhabitants awoke recently to find a Palestinian flag draped on the top of a renovated mosque -- one of the many old stone buildings in Safed that attest to the city's habitation long before Israel's establishment. In 1948, when Jewish forces captured the town, Safed was a mixed city of 10,000 Palestinians and 2,000 Jews. All the Palestinian inhabitants were expelled, including a 13-year-old Mahmoud Abbas, now the president of the Palestinian Authority who continues to hold office under controversial emergency decrees extending his expired term.

Activism roundup: Netanyahu disrupters tell of "mob mentality"
Jewish American and Israeli activists with the Young, Jewish and Proud project of US-based Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) successfully disrupted a speech given by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on 8 November. Netanyahu was attempting to deliver a thirty-minute address during the Jewish Federation's General Assembly conference in New Orleans. One by one, in carefully-orchestrated intervals, five activists stood up and repeatedly shouted different ways in which Israeli policies "delegitimize" the state while holding a banner with the same message. The activists were attacked by conference attendees after they stood up and confronted Netanyahu, and were escorted out of the room by police officers and security personnel.


Ostalo:
AWOL Soldier Refusing Deployment Because of Severe PTSD
As the war in Afghanistan stretches into its tenth year, now the longest war in US history, Jeff's story has become all too familiar in a military that is overextended and exhausted, pushing soldiers beyond their mental and physical capacities in order to fill the ranks. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have been marked by staggering rates of trauma and suicide. Between 20 percent and 50 percent of all service members deployed to Iraq and Afghanistan have suffered PTSD. Suicide rates among active duty service members are twice as high as that of the civilian population and veterans with PTSD are six times more likely to attempt suicide.

Help Put This Ad On Air - Go to BuildingWhat.org

9/11 Families Ask: What Happened to the Third Building That Collapsed in the WTC Attacks?
NIST's report, released years after the 9/11 Commission Report, argued that the "new phenomenon" of thermal expansion could bring down a steel frame structure. The scientists added that their findings made them worry numerous other structures could be prone to the same style of collapse. In spite of their conclusions, only three skyscrapers are known to have officially collapsed from hydrocarbon fires weakening steel supports, and all of them fell on Sept. 11, 2001. Oddly enough, that same day the BBC reported that building seven had fallen some 23 minutes before it went down and featured a reporter speaking about the third dose of tragedy even as the tower remained standing behind her. Discovery of the mistaken and ill-timed reportage has since fueled talk of an international conspiracy, but the network insists it was simply mistaken and has adamantly denied allegations that it received advance notice of the collapse. "Building seven came down, went into a sudden collapse across the full width and length of the building, for 2.25 seconds, which amounted to 105 feet or eight stories, eight 13-foot-tall stories -- it was in full free-fall acceleration, " explained Tony Szamboti, a mechanical engineer who appeared on Fox News with McIlvaine. "That is impossible because, in a natural collapse, columns would have to buckle," he said. "When columns buckle, there is a minimum resistance. ... It would slow down." "What are you suggesting brought it down?" Geraldo asked. "I'm suggesting there was some form of demolition devices in that building," he replied. "... I'm not saying I know what it is. I'm saying that it was at freefall acceleration and the NIST admitted to that." Geraldo agreed that it looked like a structure "being demolished by the professionals who can actually collapse a building right into its own footprint".

Building What?
Building 7 was a 47-story skyscraper that was part of the World Trade Center complex. It would have been the tallest high-rise in 33 states. It collapsed at 5:20 pm on September 11, 2001. It was not hit by an airplane and suffered minimal damage compared to other buildings much closer to the Twin Towers.

White House Says Child Soldiers Are Ok, if They Fight Terrorists
The phenomenon of child soldiers, like genocide, slavery and torture, seems like one of those crimes that no nation could legitimately defend. Yet the Obama administration just decided to leave countless kids stranded on some of the world's bloodiest battlegrounds. The administration stunned human rights groups last month by sidestepping a commitment to help countries curb the military exploitation of children. Josh Rogin at Foreign Policy reported that President Obama issued a presidential memorandum granting waivers from the Child Soldiers Prevention Act to four countries: Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan and Yemen.